Secularism In India | An Analysis

Secularism In India | An Analysis Secularism in India as Gandhi and Nehru saw it is distinctly different from the Western view of secularism. The Gandhi-Nehru secularism places the importance of the states neutrality between Indias many faiths. Indias independence eventually came as a result of Congress success in 1946 elections,  [1]  and as a result the emergent India embodied an idea of a political community that was brought together by modern notions such as individual rights, democracy, and citizenship irrespective of religious or other markers of ethnic identity.  [2]  The Congress party embraced a version of nationalism that promoted an inclusive and plural vision of the Indian state irrespective of religious or other identities. According to Amartya Sen, the roots of Indian secularism can be traced back to its long and diverse multi-faith history.  [3]  Indias constitution grants its citizens, individual as well as group rights.  [4]  As such, Indias secularism tends to emphasize the neutrality of the state in religious affairs as opposed to a strict separation of the state from religion. According to Sen, the first view requires the state to be equidistant with respect to all religions meaning that the state treatment of different religions and religious communities will be symmetrical. The second view requires that the state has absolutely no relationship with any religion.  [5]   For the purpose of this essay first we will look if as per the Constitution India is secular State and second how Hindu nationalism affects Indias secularism. Evolution of constitution Nehru initiated the process of constitution making with the eight point resolution for Independent India on December 13th, 1946. According to the resolution India was to be a union of the provinces and the princely states. The constitution guaranteed the upholding of equality, justice, and freedom to the people of India. Along with these the constitution had special provisions for the people from the scheduled class, backward and under-developed areas. The constitution of Independent India had many things in common with the Government of India Act 1935 except the incorporation of Universal Adult Franchise as article 326 in June 1949 which marked its major differentiation with the Government of India Act.  [6]   The Constitution did not contain the word secular till the 42nd Amendment in 1976, in Article 25(2)(b). Prof. K.T. Shah was the only member who made an effort to get a provision regarding the secular character of India included in the Constitution. The following amendment, moved as Amendment No.366, was defeated on 3rd December 1948.  [7]   The State in India being secular shall have no concern with any religion, creed or profession of faith; and shall observe an attitude of absolute neutrality in all matters relating to the religion of any class of its citizens or other persons in the Union. The following extract from the speech of Pandit Laxmi Kanth Maitra on 6th December 1948 quoted by Justice R. A. Jahagirdar can be said to reflect the consensus of the members: By (a) secular State, as I understand it, is meant that the State is not going to make any discrimination whatsoever on the ground of religion or community against any person professing any particular form of religious faith. This means in essence that no particular religion in the State will receive any State patronage whatsoever.  [8]   As the BJP Home Minister L.K. Advani is quoted by James Chiriyakandath to have said: The Constituent Assembly drew up a secular Constitution essentially because theocracy is alien to Indias history, tradition and culture. The concept of Sarva Panth Sammabhav (equal respect for all faiths) has always been regarded as an essential attribute of the state and statecraft of our country.  [9]   The non-discriminatory character of a secular State is undoubtedly imprinted on the Constitution. There is individual and collective freedom of religion the right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion. Every religious denomination has been given the fundamental right to establish and maintain its own institutions and to manage its own affairs in matters of religion (Art.25).  [10]   While Article 25 gives individuals complete autonomy with regard to practice and performance of religious rituals, Article 26 allows every religious group an equal opportunity to operate within the prescribed domain, which is defined by the law.  [11]   Equal treatment of all religious denominations requires that the state does not associate itself with a particular religion or recognise a particular religion as the majoritys religion which in Indias case is Hinduism, the constitution rather disassociates itself from it. Article 27 stipulates that no person shall be compelled to pay any taxes, the proceeds of which are specifically appropriated in payment of expenses for the promotion or maintenance of any particular religion. Article 28(1) says: No religious instruction shall be provided in any educational institution wholly maintained out of State funds.  [12]   These articles indicate separation of state and religion. Moreover, the silence of Indian constitution over the provision of an official religion speaks the most about separation of state and religion. As Smith says, What the constitution does not say is just as important as what it does say. On citizenship, the Indian constitution recognises the people of India as the citizens where the state has nothing to do with their religion, faith, belief or caste and acclaims to treat all citizens equally. Article 15(1) ensures religion as not being a cause of discrimination. It states: The state shall not discriminate any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, and place of birth or any of them. Article 16(1) and (2) states: There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the state.  [13]   No citizen shall, on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or appointment under the state. The employment of the three clauses, individual and collective freedom of religion, separation of state and religion and citizenship in the Indian constitution excludes the role of religion in defining the relationship between the union and its citizens. Emergence of Hindu nationalism and role of Hindutva in Indian politics The Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) and the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha had been in the Indian political arena since 1951 and 1915 respectively. It was the political and institutional context of Indian politics in the 1980s, and not Hindu nationalist ideology per se, that facilitated the emergence of the BJP.  [14]  For BJP Hindu nationalism equates Indian-ness with Hindutva (Hindu-ness)  [15]  as the threat that nationality is based on territory and not religion.. For this essay the impact of Hindu nationalism on Indias secularism is explained by assessing a) the Uniform Civil Code, b) the Ayodhya controversy and c) Article 370 of the Indian Constitution which gives Kashmir special status within the Indian union. We also look at d) the saffronization of education in India through a reinterpretation of Indian history by Hindu nationalists. According to Savarkar a true citizen of India is one for whom India is not just the matribhoomi (motherland) but also the punyabhoomi (sacred land).  [16]  These two notions are congruent for Hindus Hindus, Jains, Buddhists and Sikhs whom they regard as the true citizens of India. According to this argument, Christians and Muslims pose a cultural threat to Indian (Hindu) culture since their punyabhoomi does not coincide with the territory of India. They can live in India so long as they do not assert their identities and conform to the larger Indian (Hindu) culture.  [17]   The Hindu nationalist agenda operates at multiple levels within Indian society. The BJP (and its predecessor, the BJS) serve as the political arm of Hindu nationalism. The RSS fulfils a militant and ideological role; the Bajrang Dal is an organization aimed at radicalizing Indias Hindu youth; the Vishwa Hindu Parishad works as a social and cultural body espousing Hindu nationalism (and even works with the radical elements within the Hindu diaspora); and the Vidya Bharti works as the educational arm of the RSS. Together, these and numerous similar organizations form what is known as the Sangh Parivar built around the RSS that aims to promote Hindu nationalism. In 1948 RSS was temporarily declared to be an unlawful organization and its activities were proscribed as a result of Mahatma Gandhis assassination by Nathuram Vinayak Godse, an RSS devotee. The Hindu Mahasabha, another political group of HIndutva escaped ban at this time but their activities were forbidden these groups were forced to maintain a lower profile. Since independence, Congress party dominated the Indian political scene until 1989. Congress partys hegemony began to gradually decrease after Nehrus death in 1964. Indira Gandhis imposition of emercy between 1975 and 1977 caused mass disillusionment with the Congress party across India. This ultimately led to the election of the first non-Congress party government in 1977, led by the Janata Party, a coalition of parties that included the BJS. Within this political context BJP formed in 1980 entered national politics in India. BJP tried an attempt to appear as a more moderate party and capture wider popular appeal which alienated the RSS, which in turn supported Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress party in the 1984 elections to demonstrate its displeasure.  [18]  As a result, the BJP returned to its Hindu nationalist ideological core. Use of religion by Indira Gandi in the state of Punjab to challenge the appeal of its regional rival, the Akali Dal, a Sikh religious party and later Raj iv Gandhis reversion of Supreme Court judgment that had granted alimony to Shah Bano  [19]  further assisted BJPs Hindutva cause rise. BJP used Congress partys decision to pacify the Muslim orthodoxy to argue that this step was contrary to the spirit and practice of Indian secularism as it privileged the sectarian interests of a particular religious community. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi began his electoral campaign in Faizabad district, where the town of Ayodhya is located. There he promised to create a Ram Rajya (rule of Ram), again playing majoritarian politics. BJP started to openly criticise the Congress partys manipulation of religious symbols as pseudo-secularism. However, the Congress party lost the 1989 elections and the era of coalition and minority-led government of V. P. Singh which was supported by the BJP from the outside. In order to secure the support of the now mobilized lower castes, V. P. Singhs government put forth an affirmative action program the Mandal Commission that promised 27 percent of all government jobs and places in institutions of higher education.  [20]  In order to offset political split within the Hindu community, L. K. Advani launched a 10,000 kilometer-long rath yatra in 1990. He expected the twin pillars of Mandal and Masjid would ensure the rise of hindu nationalism rise in Indian politics. While the BJP was only able to win 7.4 percent of the popular vote in the 1984 general elections, its vote share increased to 21 percent in 1991.35 In 1996 the BJP formed a coalition government that only lasted 13 days, while the 1998 BJP-led coalition government, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), survived for a year. Finally, in 1999 the BJP-led NDA government formed the first non-Congress government that survived the full five-year term with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as its prime minister. Jaffrelot has shown that the Hindu nationalist movements strategies include both radical and moderate elements.  [21]  The BJPs radicalized, militant nature is demonstrated by the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992 and the Gujarat violence a decade later ensured the support of its core constituency and the RSS. In spite of their coalition with ideologically different parties, the BJP succeeded in promoting a Hindu nationalist version of Indian history by implementing changes to the National Curriculum Framework.  [22]  The specific policy issues that were crucial to the Hindu nationalist agenda were; Uniform Civil Code: In the late 1980s the controversy created by the Shah Bano case gave the BJP the ammunition to criticize the policies of the Congress party as catering to minority-ism and being pseudo-secular. This case is an example of this tension between individual and group/religious rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution.  [23]  The Indian state did not show the same zeal for reform in Muslim laws as it did while enacting the Hindu laws in 1955 and 1956. According to Articles 37 and 44 of the Indian Constitution, the establishment of a uniform civil code is a directive principle for the Indian state in making laws, even as it is not enforceable by any court.  [24]   BJP still remains committed to the implementation of a uniform (Hinduized) civil code. The Ayodhya Controversy: The destruction of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya in 1992 and controversies surrounding this mosque had been around since the nineteenth century, this issue had remained dormant since Indias independence.  [25]  In the 1980s, the BJP used this issue as a political rallying point to unite the Hindu electorate irrespective of caste or language in an attempt to construct a Hindu vote.  [26]  As an electoral strategy the Ayodhya issue paid off. The BJP increased its vote share from 11.4 percent in 1989 to 21 percent in the 1991 general elections.  [27]  The construction of a Ram temple at the site of the destroyed mosque remains on the agenda of the Hindu nationalists. The Ayodhya controversy erupted again in February 2002. This attack had all the signs of a systematic and pre-meditated political violence on minority Muslims in which the state government was an active party. This led to the rise of Hindu nationalism supporters so much so that Narendra Mo di even campaigned on the Hindutva platform in the state elections in 2002 and won. The Hindu nationalists further threatened that Gujarat experience would serve as a laboratory to be replicated elsewhere in India.  [28]   According to Nussbaum, Hindu nationalism in general, and the Gujarat incident in particular, poses a serious threat to the survival of democracy in India.  [29]  However, the general outrage amongst the Indian public in other states led BJP to drop this issue from their 1999 NDA election manifesto try to replicate it in other Indian states. Article 370 and Kashmir: Article 370 of the Indian Constitution grants Kashmir special status within the Indian union. Kashmir is Indias only Muslim-majority state but enjoys special provisions such as restrictive land-ownership. Article 371 of the Indian Constitution allows the governments of certain states such as Nagaland and Mizoram in northeast India to legislate on the ownership and transfer of land in these regions, thereby restricting migrations of Indians from elsewhere in the country.  [30]  Indias Lakshadweep islands also enjoy a similar status as even Indian citizens require special permission to enter this restricted region.  [31]  However, it is only the Kashmir issue that is important to the Hindu nationalists given the complex history of its accession to the Indian union after independence.  [32]   Reinterpretation of History and Changes in the Educational Curriculum: In an attempt to show that India is the matribhoomi of all Hindus, the Hindu nationalist historians claim that the Vedic Sanskrit-speaking Indo-Aryan peoples were indigenous to India, thereby implying that no Indo-Aryan migration into the subcontinent ever occurred.  [33]  to show that all of Indias Hindus are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the subcontinent.  [34]  Islamic political dominance in the subcontinent has been reinterpreted by the Hindu nationalists to emphasize the more militant aspect of the rule of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb and the exploitation of their Hindu subjects. Periods of Hindu-Muslim cultural syncretism and good governance of Akbar is absent from the Hindu nationalist narrative of this period of Indias history.  [35]  Furthermore, these revised textbooks have deleted references to the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 by a member of the Hindu Mahasabha. T he textbooks blame Muslims for the partition of India.  [36]  Since the BJP has a long-term agenda to redefine Indian identity, they were not hesitant to use their power while in government to redefine Indias past with the intention to mould the future generations understanding of Indias history along their ideological lines. According to the twin tolerations argument, a broad range of religious-state relations are possible in a democracy.  [37]  BJPs single major success has been the communalization of Indian politics by changing the discourse on secularism. It has affected in two ways. First, in spite of the rise of Hindu nationalism, a standardization of Hinduism appears to be occurring for the first time in the religions history. Second, Indias lower castes are increasingly conforming to the religious and social norms of the upper castes as they climb the socio-economic ladder. This is resulting in further homogenization within Hindu society.  [38]   Is India a secular state? What is India and who is an Indian are simple questions that are extremely difficult to answer.  [39]  One should note that the territorial idea inevitably becomes part of all nation-states, but territory does not have to be the defining principle of national identity.  [40]  The constitution makers without mentioning the word secular wrote a secular constitution. Though the constitution does not define who or what is a Hindu, but it defines followers of Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism as Hindus for purposes of Hindu temple entry. Article 25 (2) (b) (Explanation II) states: the reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jaina or Buddhist religionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Would this be to prevent the conversion of Dalits to Christianity or Islam, to reform Hinduism to make it palatable to the former untouchables? The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 applies to (a) any person who is a Hindu by religion in any of its forms and developments, including a Virashaiva, a Lingayat or follower of the Brahmo, Prarthana or Arya Samaj; (b) to any person who is a Buddhist, Jain or Sikh by religion, and (c) to any person domiciled in the territories who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew by religion.  [41]   In other words, legally there is no such thing as a Buddhist, Jain, or Sikh marriage, is this another attempt to deny other religions a distinctive identity and absorb them in the Hindu fold? Although freedom of religion is granted under the constitutions Article 25 (1), in 1982, when a few hundred Dalits embraced Islam in Meenakshipuram, Indira Gandhi characterized conversions as a threat to national security and the central government took measures to curb conversions. Is it not ironic that the Indian state is ready to deploy army to cleanse out Sikh insurgents from Golden Temple and Muslim rebels from Charar-i Sharif, but not protect Babri Mosque from the Hindu activists? Article 16 (2) of the constitution prohibits discrimination in public employment on religious grounds. Per Presidential orders of 1950 and 1956 the beneficiaries of Scheduled Castes reservation can only be Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists but not Christians and Muslims. Predominantly Hindu army of Kashmir was absorbed in the national army in 1947; whereas Hyderabads largely Muslim army was disbanded, rendering nearly 20,000 jobless. Are Indian armys infantry regiments not still based on religion (Sikh regiments), or ethnicity (Gorkha) or caste (Rajput) or region (Garhwal) in which members of other faiths, ethnicities, and regions are barred? Are government school texts in Hindi and regional languages not saturated with signs, symbols idioms, phrases, and icons of Hinduism? Have the textbooks of history and social studies not been filled with gross distortions of Indian history of all eras, ancient, medieval and modern portraying Muslims and Christians to be the villains, traitors and foreigners? Based on the constitution and political practice including congress partys can we not say India is as secular as India can be No Less, No More.

The Holocaust :: essays research papers

"If we were not an eternal people before, we are an eternal people after the Holocaust, in both its very positive and very negative sense. We have not only survived, we have revived ourselves. In a very real way, we have won. We were victorious. But in a very real way, we have lost. We'll never recover what was lost. We can't assess what was lost. Who knows what beauty and grandeur six million could have contributed to the world? Who can measure it up? What standard do you use? How do you count it? How do you estimate it...? We lost. The world lost, whether they know it or admit it. It doesn't make any difference. And yet we won, we're going on." This quote is from the testimony of Fania Fenelon. The signs and symptoms that are among the Jews because of the Holocaust definitely characterize abnormality. These abnormalities include the physical effects, the spiritual effects, and the second generation. The physical effects were enormous among the Jews. The conditions of the camps defy description. The nutrition was worse than inadequate and the results being the well-known "musselmen": skeletons covered by skin. After the Jews in prison camps were freed, their diseases were treated as well as could be treated. Premature aging was one of the most prominent disabling effects of survivors. Digestive tract diseases were also very common because of the emotional disturbances and inadequate diet during their incarceration. The experience also placed them at risk of coronary diseases, cerebrovascular diseases, and arteriosclerosis. All of this was consistent with the premature aging and the atrophy of the heart muscle due to the extreme undernourishment during captivity. Spiritual concerns also followed the survivors of the Holocaust. The Jews had to face up to one of the most painful realities of all...What it means to be a Jew. They had to decide whether or not to remain a Jew. The Holocaust had threatened the Jewish people near extinction. A anger directed towards the Non-Jewish world was intense because they had been persecuted by Gentiles. The Holocaust had caused an apparently irreversible rupture in the Jewish-Christian relations. Jews felt and still feel enraged because their expectations of a decent world were shattered into pieces by the most, supposedly, civilized people in the world. "Where was God?" wrote Elie Wiesel, a question asked many times among the Jews. They felt

President Barack Obama Lifts Cuban Restrictions Essay

For many years, legal professionals and scholars in economics argued over the benefits and costs of the trade embargo which was put on Cuba by the U. S. Over the course of years, Cuban Americans were not only deprived of a chance to reunite with their families; they did not have the legal right to provide their family members residing in Cuba with financial support. Now, the new American President has come to fulfill one of his major promises – to lift restrictions, which Cuban Americans faced in their need for travel and financial cooperation with Cuba. Although Obama’s decision does not eliminate the trade embargo, it expands the rights of common Cubans and Cuban Americans and will certainly become the first step toward restoring trade and political relationships with Cuba. For years, the majority of Cuban Americans has been torn from their families and was unable to maintain close relationships with their Cuban relatives. Under American restrictions, Cuban Americans were limited to one visit per year and were not allowed to support their families materially (Weinemann, 2004). Now, as Barack Obama looks further into the need to improve relations with Cuba, lifting restrictions will also improve the wellbeing of many Cubans and will provide them with a chance to reunite with their American family members. Moreover, it appears that under the pressure of legal restrictions, Cuban Americans learnt to avoid legal responsibility for violating the requirements regarding traveling and financial transactions. â€Å"They get around the restriction by traveling illegally through third countries, just like the vast majority of Americans who travel to Cuba. Cuban Americans carry or send cash back home at a rate of $1 billion a year† (Weinemann, 2004), as a result, lifting restrictions is the means to legalize what has been illegal for many years, and to improve relations between Cuba and the U. S. Lifting restrictions on traveling and financial transactions to Cuba is a very pleasing fact. Beyond expanding traveling activity and financial operations between the two countries, this Obama’s decision is likely to cause a strategic political and economic change. Statistics suggests that Florida alone loses $750 annually due to the trade embargo (Weinemann, 2004); Florida ports could maintain positive relationships with other Cuban enterprises and could thus turn into another source of revenues for the state budget. Moreover, given that these are the citizens that promote changes, lifting restrictions will provide the Cubans with better stimuli for a major democratic change. The more citizens are allowed to visit Cuba and to develop mutually beneficial relationships with the U. S. , the more probable it is that Cuba will choose a more democratic way of development (Nuccio, 1998). Certainly, lifting restrictions on financial transactions is the topic of hot debate. Opponents of Obama’s decision are confident that additional finances will work to support the Cuban government in its desire to restrict democratic freedoms and to promote dictatorship and political isolation. Unfortunately, Obama’s opponents forget that â€Å"if the U. S. embargo is successful in its objective of denying resources to the Cuban government, it must also have negative effects on the lives of ordinary Cubans† (Nuccio, 1998). The political history of Cuba suggests that not the government, but common citizens are the primary victims of the embargo. Due to the embargo and travel restrictions, citizens cannot avoid the sense of hatred and hostility toward the neighboring country; Cuban Americans are no longer enthusiastic about these restrictions. More than 1. 2 million Cuban Americans vote for lifting the current restrictions and welcome Obama’s decision (Weinemann, 2004), which also means that their personal lives will change for the better and the majority of their personal issues will be resolved. Conclusion Lifting restrictions for Cubans regarding traveling to Cuba and sending money to their family members will improve the quality of relationships between Cuba and the U. S. People will be given a chance to reunite with their families. Families will be given an opportunity to receive financial support from their relatives abroad. Finally, lifting these restrictions is the first step toward establishing democratic relationships with Cuba and expanding international trade. References Nuccio, R. A. (1998). Cautious optimism. Harvard International Review, 20 (4): 24-27. Weinmann, L. (2004). Washington’s irrational Cuba policy. World Policy Journal, 21 (1): 22-31.

Essay on How To Improve Your Relationship With These 5...

How To Improve Your Relationship With These 5 Simple Tips Let’s face it; not a relationship is perfect. Every relationship is a work in progress; you will find some aspects of it to improve all the time. But, this doesn’t mean your relationship is not perfect for you; it only means that you have to find ways to make it work for you. When thinking about your relationship, do you think that it’s only, â€Å"okay† or â€Å"good enough† or â€Å"not bad?† Then, that’s a warning sign that you must take action in improving your relationship. A successful long term relationship doesn’t get fixed overnight. It goes through a process and the earlier you start trying these few tips below, the sooner your relationship might start getting better. 1. Explore new†¦show more content†¦3. Socialize with other friends and other couples. If your mutual friends ask you to come out with them to a party, dinner, or a plain hang out, accept it! Don’t think that your free nights are only dedicated to spending one on one time with your significant other. Be sure to socialize and interact with other people, as well as other couples, as a pair. Why, you may ask? Because there’s something different about being with your loved one in a crowd. Regularly seeing your partner in the midst of other people will allow yourself to be reminded of what initially attracted you to them. Giving yourself the chance to see them interact with other people is a good way to renew your attraction to your partner. 4. Don’t forget to take time for intimacy. A lot of the relationships are stagnant because they lack intimacy. Because the initial rush you felt in the beginning of your relationship can quickly fade, it is very important to make time for intimacy. It gives you the opportunity to feel a unique bond with your partner, and allows you to realize what a special connection you have with them, that others cannot have. Being intimate with each other releases oxytocin, a hormone that’s responsible for the feeling of attachment. 5. Outwardly and directly express how you feel for them. Your life can be dragging and stagnant, but it is very important thatShow MoreRelatedInterpersonal Skills : Definition, Examples, And Helpful Sites969 Words   |  4 Pagesto your success in business. These skills encompass a great number of things. Some include listening, assertiveness, negotiation, feedback, persuasion, interviewing, and coaching. It is important to understand that you can develop your skills. Not everyone is born a great listener or negotiator. These skills can be either innate or acquired. In any case, it is necessary to always want to improve them. To improve them, you must first understand what they mean and how they can be useful in your businessRead MoreIn Laws Like You Essay955 Words   |  4 PagesHow to Make Your In-Laws Like You You may be recently married and trying to gain favor with new in-laws. 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